Summary of the Art of War (Art. XXVI)

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Table of contents -- Chapter III

Art. XXV -- Art. XXVII

Article XXVI. The Defense of Frontiers by Forts and Intrenched Lines.—Wars of Sieges.

Summary

Full Text

Mendell and Craighill Translation[1]

Forts serve two principal purposes: first, to cover the frontiers; secondly, to aid the operations of the campaign.

The defense of frontiers is a problem generally somewhat indeterminate. It is not so for those countries whose borders are covered with great natural obstacles, and which present but few accessible points, and these admitting of defense by the art of the engineer. The problem here is simple; but in open countries it is more difficult. The Alps and the Pyrenees, and the lesser ranges of the Crapacks, of Riesengebirge, of Erzgebirge, of the Böhmerwald, of the Black Forest, of the Vosges, and of the Jura, are not so formidable that they cannot be made more so by a good system of fortresses.

Of all these frontiers, that separating France and Piedmont was best covered. The valleys of the Stura and Suza, the passes of Argentine, of Mont-Genèvre, and of Mont-Cenis,—the only ones considered practicable,—were covered by masonry forts; and, in addition, works of considerable magnitude guarded the issues of the valleys in the plains of Piedmont. It was certainly no easy matter to surmount these difficulties.

These excellent artificial defenses will not always prevent the passage of an army, because the small works which are found in the gorges may be carried, or the enemy, if he be bold, may find a passage over some other route hitherto [Pg 147]deemed impracticable. The passage of the Alps by Francis I.,—which is so well described by Gaillard,—Napoleon's passage of the Saint-Bernard, and the Splugen expedition, prove that there is truth in the remark of Napoleon, that an army can pass wherever a titan can set his foot,—a maxim not strictly true, but characteristic of the man, and applied by him with great success.

Other countries are covered by large rivers, either as a first line or as a second. It is, however, remarkable that such lines, apparently so well calculated to separate nations without interfering with trade and communication, are generally not part of the real frontier. It cannot be said that the Danube divides Bessarabia from the Ottoman empire as long as the Turks have a foothold in Moldavia. The Rhine was never the real frontier of France and Germany; for the French for long periods held points upon the right bank, while the Germans were in possession of Mayence, Luxembourg, and the têtes de ponts of Manheim and Wesel on the left bank.

If, however, the Danube, the Rhine, Rhone, Elbe, Oder, Vistula, Po, and Adige be not exterior lines of the frontier, there is no reason why they should not be fortified as lines of permanent defense, wherever they permit the use of a system suitable for covering a front of operations.

An example of this kind is the Inn, which separates Bavaria from Austria: flanked on the south by the Tyrolese Alps, on the north by Bohemia and the Danube, its narrow front is covered by the three fortified places of Passau, Braunau, and Salzburg. Lloyd, with some poetic license, compares this frontier to two impregnable bastions whose curtain is formed of three fine forts and whose ditch is one of the most rapid of rivers. He has exaggerated these advantages; for his epithet of "impregnable" was decidedly disproved by the bloody events of 1800, 1805, and 1809.

The majority of the European states have frontiers by no means so formidable as that of the Alps and the Inn, being generally open, or consisting of mountains with practicable passes at a considerable number of points. We propose to [Pg 148]give a set of general maxims equally applicable to all cases.

When the topography of a frontier is open, there should be no attempt to make a complete line of defense by building too many fortresses, requiring armies to garrison them, and which, after all, might not prevent an enemy from penetrating the country. It is much wiser to build fewer works, and to have them properly located, not with the expectation of absolutely preventing the ingress of the enemy, but to multiply the impediments to his progress, and, at the same time, to support the movements of the army which is to repel him.

If it be rare that a fortified place of itself absolutely prevents the progress of an army, it is, nevertheless, an embarrassment, and compels the army to detach a part of its force or to make détours in its march; while, on the other hand, it imparts corresponding advantages to the army which holds it, covers his depots, flanks, and movements, and, finally, is a place of refuge in case of need.

Fortresses thus exercise a manifest influence over military operations; and we now propose to examine their relations to strategy.

The first point to be considered is their location; the second lies in the distinction between the cases where an army can afford to pass the forts without a siege, and those where it will be necessary to besiege; the third point is in reference to the relations of an army to a siege which it proposes to cover.

As fortresses properly located favor military operations, in the same degree those which are unfortunately placed are disadvantageous. They are an incubus upon the army which is compelled to garrison them and the state whose men and money are wasted upon them. There are many in Europe in this category. It is bad policy to cover a frontier with fortresses very close together. This system has been wrongly imputed to Vauban, who, on the contrary, had a controversy with Louvois about the great number of points the latter desired to fortify. The maxims on this point are as follow:—

1. The fortified places should be in echelon, on three lines, [Pg 149]and should extend from the frontiers toward the capital.[2] There should be three in the first line, as many in the second, and a large place in the third, near the center of the state. If there be four fronts, this would require, for a complete system, from twenty-four to thirty places.

It will be objected that this number is large, and that even Austria has not so many. It must be recollected that France has more than forty upon only a third of its frontiers, (from Besançon to Dunkirk,) and still has not enough on the third line in the center of the country. A Board convened for the purpose of considering the system of fortresses has decided quite recently that more were required. This does not prove that there were not already too many, but that certain points in addition should be fortified, while those on the first line, although too much crowded, may be maintained since they are already in existence. Admitting that France has two fronts from Dunkirk to Basel, one from Basel to Savoy, one from Savoy to Nice, in addition to the totally distinct line of the Pyrenees and the coast-line, there are six fronts, requiring forty to fifty places. Every military man will admit that this is enough, since the Swiss and coast fronts require fewer than the northeast. The system of arrangement of these fortresses is an important element of their usefulness. Austria has a less number, because she is bordered by the small German states, which, instead of being hostile, place their own forts at her disposal. Moreover, the number above given is what was considered necessary for a state having four fronts of nearly equal development. Prussia, being long and narrow, and extending from Königsberg almost to the gates of Metz, should not be fortified upon the same system as France, Spain, or Austria. Thus the geographical position and extent of states may either diminish or increase the number of fortresses, particularly when maritime forts are to be included.

[Pg 150]2. Fortresses should always occupy the important strategic points already designated in Article XIX. As to their tactical qualities, their sites should not be commanded, and egress from them should be easy, in order to increase the difficulty of blockading them.

3. Those which possess the greatest advantages, either as to their own defense or for seconding the operations of an army, are certainly those situated on great rivers and commanding both banks. Mayence, Coblentz, and Strasbourg, including Kehl, are true illustrations and models of this kind. Places situated at the confluence of two great rivers command three different fronts, and hence are of increased importance. Take, for instance, Modlin. Mayence, when it had on the left bank of the Main the fort of Gustavusburg, and Cassel on the right, was the most formidable place in Europe, but it required a garrison of twenty-five thousand men: so that works of this extent must be few in number.

4. Large forts, when encompassing populous and commercial cities, are preferable to small ones,—particularly when the assistance of the citizens can be relied on for their defense. Metz arrested the whole power of Charles V, and Lille for a whole year delayed Eugene and Marlborough. Strasbourg has many times proved the security of French armies. During the last wars these places were passed without being besieged by the invading forces, because all Europe was in arms against France; but one hundred and fifty thousand Germans having in their front one hundred thousand French could not penetrate to the Seine with impunity, leaving behind them these well-fortified points.

5. Formerly the operations of war were directed against towns, camps, and positions; recently they have been directed only against organized armies, leaving out of consideration all natural or artificial obstacles. The exclusive use of either of these systems is faulty: the true course is a mean between these extremes. Doubtless, it will always be of the first importance to destroy and disorganize all the armies of the enemy in the field, and to attain this end it may be allowable to pass the fortresses; but if the success be only partial it will [Pg 151]be unwise to push the invasion too far. Here, also, very much depends upon the situation and respective strength of the armies and the spirit of the nations.

If Austria were the sole antagonist of France, she could not follow in the footsteps of the allies in 1814; neither is it probable that fifty thousand French will very soon risk themselves beyond the Noric Alps, in the very heart of Austria, as Napoleon did in 1797.[3] Such events only occur under exceptional circumstances.

6. It may be concluded from what precedes,—1st, that, while fortified places are essential supports, abuse in their application may, by dividing an army, weaken it instead of adding to its efficiency; 2d, that an army may, with the view of destroying the enemy, pass the line of these forts,—always, however, leaving a force to observe them; 3d, that an army cannot pass a large river, like the Danube or the Rhine, without reducing at least one of the fortresses on the river, in order to secure a good line of retreat. Once master of this place, the army may advance on the offensive, leaving detachments to besiege other places; and the chances of the reduction of those places increase as the army advances, since the enemy's opportunities of hindering the siege are correspondingly diminished.

7. While large places are much the most advantageous among a friendly people, smaller works are not without importance, not to arrest an enemy, who might mask them, but as they may materially aid the operations of an army in the field. The fort of Königstein in 1813 was as useful to the French as the fortress of Dresden, because it procured a tête de pont on the Elbe.

In a mountainous country, small, well-located forts are equal in value to fortified places, because their province is to close the passes, and not to afford refuge to armies: the little fort [Pg 152]of Bard, in the valley of Aosta, almost arrested Napoleon's army in 1800.

8. It follows that each frontier should have one or two large fortresses as places of refuge, besides secondary forts and small posts to facilitate military operations. Walled cities with a shallow ditch may be very useful in the interior of a country, to contain depots, hospitals, &c, when they are strong enough to resist the attacks of any small bodies that may traverse the vicinity. They will be particularly serviceable if they can be defended by the militia, so as not to weaken the active army.

9. Large fortified places which are not in proper strategic positions are a positive misfortune for both the army and state.

10. Those on the sea-coast are of importance only in a maritime war, except for depots: they may even prove disastrous for a continental army, by holding out to it a delusive promise of support. Benningsen almost lost the Russian armies by basing them in 1807 on Königsberg,—which he did because it was convenient for supply. If the Russian army in 1812, instead of concentrating on Smolensk, had supported itself on Dunaburg and Riga, it would have been in danger of being forced into the sea and of being cut off from all its bases.

The relations between sieges and the operations of active armies are of two kinds. An invading army may pass by fortified places without attacking them, but it must leave a force to invest them, or at least to watch them; and when there are a number of them adjacent to each other it will be necessary to leave an entire corps d'armée, under a single commander, to invest or watch them as circumstances may require. When the invading army decides to attack a place, a sufficient force to carry on the siege will be assigned to this duty; the remainder may either continue its march or take a position to cover the siege.

Formerly the false system prevailed of encircling a city by a whole army, which buried itself in lines of circumvallation and contravallation. These lines cost as much in labor and [Pg 153]expense as the siege itself. The famous case of the lines of Turin, which were fifteen miles in length, and, though guarded by seventy-eight thousand French, were forced by Prince Eugene with forty thousand men in 1706, is enough to condemn this ridiculous system.

Much as the recital of the immense labors of Cæsar in the investment of Alise may excite our admiration, it is not probable that any general in our times will imitate his example. Nevertheless, it is very necessary for the investing force to strengthen its position by detached works commanding the routes by which the garrison might issue or by which the siege might be disturbed from without. This was done by Napoleon at Mantua, and by the Russians at Varna.

Experience has proved that the best way to cover a siege is to beat and pursue as far as possible the enemy's forces which could interfere. If the besieging force is numerically inferior, it should take up a strategic position covering all the avenues by which succor might arrive; and when it approaches, as much of the besieging force as can be spared should unite with the covering force to fall upon the approaching army and decide whether the siege shall continue or not.

Bonaparte in 1796, at Mantua, was a model of wisdom and skill for the operations of an army of observation.

INTRENCHED LINES.

Besides the lines of circumvallation and contravallation referred to above, there is another kind, which is more extended than they are, and is in a measure allied to permanent fortifications, because it is intended to protect a part of the frontiers.

As a fortress or an intrenched camp may, as a temporary refuge for an army, be highly advantageous, so to the same degree is the system of intrenched lines absurd. I do not now refer to lines of small extent closing a narrow gorge, like Fussen and Scharnitz, for they may be regarded as forts; but I speak of extended lines many leagues in length and intended to wholly close a part of the frontiers. For instance, those of Wissembourg, which, covered by the Lauter flowing in [Pg 154]front, supported by the Rhine on the right and the Vosges on the left, seemed to fulfill all the conditions of safety; and yet they were forced on every occasion when they were assailed.

The lines of Stollhofen, which on the right of the Rhine played the same part as those of Wissembourg on the left, were equally unfortunate; and those of the Queich and the Kinzig had the same fate.

The lines of Turin, (1706,) and those of Mayence, (1795,) although intended as lines of circumvallation, were analogous to the lines in question in their extent and in the fate which befell them. However well they may be supported by natural obstacles, their great extent paralyzes their defenders, and they are almost always susceptible of being turned. To bury an army in intrenchments, where it may be outflanked and surrounded, or forced in front even if secure from a flank attack, is manifest folly; and it is to be hoped that we shall never see another instance of it. Nevertheless, in our chapter on Tactics we will treat of their attack and defense.

It may be well to remark that, while it is absurd to use these extended lines, it would be equally foolish to neglect the advantages to be derived from detached works in increasing the strength of a besieging force, the safety of a position, or the defense of a defile.


Table of contents -- Chapter III

Art. XXV -- Art. XXVII

  1. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13549/13549-h/13549-h.htm
  2. [20] The memorable campaign of 1829 is evidence of the value of such a system. If the Porte had possessed masonry forts in the defiles of the Balkan and a good fortress toward Faki, the Russians would not have reached Adrianople, and the affair would not have been so simple.
  3. [21] Still, Napoleon was right in taking the offensive in the Frioul, since the Austrians were expecting a reinforcement from the Rhine of twenty thousand men, and of course it was highly important to beat the Archduke Charles before this force joined him. In view of the circumstances of the case, Napoleon's conduct was in accordance with the principles of war.